EXTRAORDINARY BECAME NORMAL – TEMPORARY MAY BECOME PERMANENT!
In under two months, most countries in the world have been placed under lock-down. The police are guarding every main street, people who break the "lock-down rules" are being beaten up and all of this has become the new normal. The soaring death rate and rapid spread of CoVid19—overwhelming some of the best public health systems in the world —suggest that this dramatic response was a good, if not the perfect approach. While it may succeed in mitigating the spread of the virus, the world now faces another danger: that when the virus recedes, many countries might be far less democratic than they were before. In times of crisis, the checks and balances are often ignored in the name of executive power. The danger is that ‘the temporary can become permanent’. 


THE RISK FACTOR
Initially, populist and autocratic leaders were ill-prepared for the pandemic. Their lack of respect for science and expertise, combined with nepotism and neglect of state institutions, including health care, made governments such as those of Donald Trump more vulnerable, than they should have been. Before the health crisis became impossible to deny, the government supportive media in some countries systematically downplayed the dangers posed by the virus. In the long term, the pandemic might undermine autocratic leaders—as the usual tactic of blaming scapegoats fails, and citizens may begin to appreciate the value of expertise and functioning institutions. But if “the strongmen” are threatened with a loss of power, they’re likely to double down on their authoritarian practices and take advantage of the state of emergency to consolidate their power.

Long before the virus hit, the world was already experiencing a decline in democracy. Since 2006, more countries have seen their democracies degrade, than those that have improved. Last year, according to Freedom House, 64 countries became less democratic, and only 37 became more so. Now, as countries around the world take extraordinary measures to fight the pandemic, both dictatorships and democracies are curtailing civil liberties on a massive scale.

In a number of countries, elections are beginning to be delayed. In the current situation, holding elections is certainly difficult and even dangerous. At the same time, postponing elections for months might deprive governments of their legitimacy and allow autocrats to use the delay to strengthen their power and hold elections, when it suits them. Altogether, postponing elections is the better choice, but such decisions should follow a clear inter-party agreement and timetable.

“We are at war,” French President Emmanuel Macron recently declared, echoing language other leaders have used as well. Such dramatic rhetoric can help rally a strong effort to fight the pandemic and highlight the sacrifices citizens have to make. Such appeals can be dangerous, however. The virus is not an army, and evoking war can transform a health crisis into a security one, justifying repressive measures.
Measures like closing businesses, enforcing social distancing, and keeping people off the streets, including curfews and bans on gatherings, are needed to control the rapid spread of the  virus. But there is a serious risk that these efforts are leading to a new wave of authoritarianism. Numerous countries have already passed emergency laws or declared states of emergency—a period that autocrats can use to consolidate power.

ITS ALREADY HAPPENING!
In Hungary, the government of Viktor Orban on 30th March passed a law “on protecting against the Corona virus” that allows the government to rule by decree and suspend existing laws. Furthermore, parliamentary oversight is suspended for the duration of the crisis, with only the prime minister permitted to determine when it will be lifted. The new law introduces huge fines for spreading fake news and breaking quarantine and curfews, with penalties of up to five years of imprisonment.

In Israel, PM Netanyahu used the emergency to postpone his corruption trial, block parliament from sitting, and grant extraordinary domestic surveillance powers to the internal intelligence agencies. Liberal democracies have also taken unprecedented measures to monitor citizens, such as tracking their movement through cell-phone data.

WHAT CAN BE DONE INSTEAD?
There is nothing wrong in taking extreme measures to combat the virus, but any infringement on civil liberties must be very reasonable and temporary. It is of utmost importance that the emergency measures need to have a clearly defined time frame to avoid leading into a permanent state of emergency. Furthermore, legislative bodies need to remain active. The Austrian parliament, for example, passed a number of laws in an accelerated procedure, and the European Parliament supported special EU funds to help countries affected by the pandemic—with most parliament members participating and voting remotely.

Also, fake news is to be confronted, through government transparency—rather than with punishments. Part of the success of countries like Taiwan and Singapore in confronting the virus is due to their clear and open communication about the pandemic, besides an early response. The Telangana govt.'s initiative to launch a website dedicated to busting fake news is praiseworthy. 

FINAL THOUGHTS
The extraordinary powers given through emergency laws and other emergency measures can lead to abuse among democratic leaders as well. This poses a serious threat to all the functional democracies around the world. The pandemic may lead to a serious decline in democracy in many countries. It is crucial that all liberal democracies show self-restraint and vigilance. Also, an equal amount of responsibility is on us, citizens. Since democracy is "of, for and by the people", it is the duty of every citizen to protect it, because after all it is us, the common citizens who will be the losers, if democracy was to fall apart.   

JAI HIND!

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